Diplomacy (from the Greek δίπλωμα, meaning making a deal with other countries) is the art and practice of conducting negotiations between representatives of states. It usually refers to international diplomacy, the conduct of international relations[2] through the intercession of professional diplomats with regard to issues of peace-making, trade, war, economics, culture, environment, and human rights. International treaties are usually negotiated by diplomats prior to endorsement by national politicians. In an informal or social sense, diplomacy is the employment of tact to gain strategic advantage
or to find mutually acceptable solutions to a common challenge, one set
of tools being the phrasing of statements in a non-confrontational, or
polite manner. The scholarly discipline of diplomatics,
dealing with the study of old documents, derives its name from the same
source, but its modern meaning is quite distinct from the activity of
diplomacy.
One of the earliest realists in international relations theory was the 6th century BC military strategist Sun Tzu (d. 496 BC), author of The Art of War. He lived during a time in which rival states were starting to pay less attention to traditional respects of tutelage to the Zhou Dynasty
(c. 1050–256 BC) figurehead monarchs while each vied for power and
total conquest. However, a great deal of diplomacy in establishing
allies, bartering land, and signing peace treaties was necessary for
each warring state, and the idealized role of the "persuader/diplomat"
developed.[3]
From the Battle of Baideng (200 BC) to the Battle of Mayi (133 BC), the Han Dynasty was forced to uphold a marriage alliance and pay an exorbitant amount of tribute (in silk, cloth, grain, and other foodstuffs) to the powerful northern nomadic Xiongnu that had been consolidated by Modu Shanyu. After the Xiongnu sent word to Emperor Wen of Han (r. 180–157) that they controlled areas stretching from Manchuria to the Tarim Basin oasis city-states, a treaty was drafted in 162 BC proclaiming that everything north of the Great Wall belong to nomads' lands, while everything south of it would be reserved for Han Chinese. The treaty was renewed no less than nine times, but did not restrain some Xiongnu tuqi from raiding Han borders. That was until the far-flung campaigns of Emperor Wu of Han (r. 141–87 BC) which shattered the unity of the Xiongnu and allowed Han to conquer the Western Regions; under Wu, in 104 BC the Han armies ventured as far Fergana in Central Asia to battle the Yuezhi who had conquered Hellenistic Greek areas.
The Koreans and Japanese during the Chinese Tang Dynasty (618–907 AD) looked to the Chinese capital of Chang'an
as the hub of civilization and emulated its central bureaucracy as the
model of governance. The Japanese sent frequent embassies to China in
this period, although they halted these trips in 894 when the Tang
seemed on the brink of collapse. After the devastating An Shi Rebellion from 755 to 763, the Tang Dynasty was in no position to reconquer Central Asia and the Tarim Basin. After several conflicts with the Tibetan Empire spanning several different decades, the Tang finally made a truce and signed a peace treaty with them in 841.
In the 11th century during the Song Dynasty (960–1279), there were cunning ambassadors such as Shen Kuo and Su Song who achieved diplomatic success with the Liao Dynasty, the often hostile Khitan neighbor to the north. Both diplomats secured the rightful borders of the Song Dynasty through knowledge of cartography and dredging up old court archives. There was also a triad of warfare and diplomacy between these two states and the Tangut Western Xia Dynasty to the northwest of Song China (centered in modern-day Shaanxi). After warring with the Lý Dynasty of Vietnam from 1075 to 1077, Song and Lý made a peace agreement in 1082 to exchange the respective lands they had captured from each other during the war.
Long before the Tang and Song dynasties, the Chinese had sent envoys into Central Asia, India, and Persia, starting with Zhang Qian in the 2nd century BC. Another notable event in Chinese diplomacy was the Chinese embassy mission of Zhou Daguan to the Khmer Empire of Cambodia in the 13th century. Chinese diplomacy was a necessity in the distinctive period of Chinese exploration. Since the Tang Dynasty (618–907 AD), the Chinese also became heavily invested in sending diplomatic envoys abroad on maritime missions into the Indian Ocean, to India, Persia, Arabia, East Africa, and Egypt.
Chinese maritime activity was increased dramatically during the
commercialized period of the Song Dynasty, with new nautical
technologies, many more private ship owners, and an increasing amount of
economic investors in overseas ventures.
During the Mongol Empire
(1206–1294) the Mongols created something similar to today's diplomatic
passport called paiza. The paiza were in three different types (golden,
silver, and copper) depending on the envoy's level of importance. With
the paiza, there came authority that the envoy can ask for food,
transport, place to stay from any city, village, or clan within the
empire with no difficulties.
From the 17th century the Qing Dynasty concluded a series of treaties with Czarist Russia, beginning with the Treaty of Nerchinsk in the year 1689. This was followed up by the Aigun Treaty and the Convention of Peking in the mid-19th century.
As European power spread around the world in the 18th and 19th
centuries so too did its diplomatic model, and Asian countries adopted
European diplomatic systems.
Ancient India, with its kingdoms and dynasties, had a long tradition of diplomacy. The oldest treatise on statecraft and diplomacy, Arthashastra, is attributed to Kautilya (also known as Chanakya),[citation needed] who was the principal adviser to Chandragupta Maurya, the founder of the Maurya dynasty who ruled in the 3rd century BC, (whose capital was Pataliputra, today's Patna, the chief city of Bihar state). Arthashastra
is a complete work on the art of kingship, with long chapters on
taxation and on the raising and maintenance of armies. It also
incorporates a theory of diplomacy, of how in a situation of mutually
contesting kingdoms, the wise king builds alliances and tries to
checkmate his adversaries. The envoys sent at the time to the courts of
other kingdoms tended to reside for extended periods of time, and Arthashastra
contains advice on the deportment of the envoy, including the trenchant
suggestion that 'he should sleep alone'. The highest morality for the
king is that his kingdom should prosper. It is also good to note that
Lord Krishna, in the epic Mahabharata, acted as a divine diplomat and statesman between the Kuru and Pandava dynasties.
Modern Asia
Diplomatic relations within the Early Modern era of Asia were depicted as an environment of prestige and Status. It was maintained that one must be of noble ancestry in order to represent an autonomous state within the international arena. Therefore the position of diplomat
was often revered as an element of the elitist class within Asia. A
state's ability to practice diplomacy has been one of the underlying
defining characteristics of an autonomous state. It is this practice
that has been employed since the conception of the first city-states
within the international spectrum. Diplomats in Asia were originally
sent only for the purpose of negotiation.
They would be required to immediately return after their task was
completed. The majority of diplomats initially constituted the relatives
of the ruling family. A high rank was bestowed upon them in order to
present a sense of legitimacy with regards to their presence. Italy, the Ottoman Empire, and China
were the first real states that perpetuated environments of diplomacy.
During the early modern era diplomacy evolved to become a crucial
element of international relations within the Mediterranean and Asia.
The ability to practice diplomacy is one of the defining elements of a
state. Diplomacy has been practiced since the inception of
civilization. In Europe, diplomacy begins with the first city-states formed in ancient Greece.
Diplomats were sent only for specific negotiations, and would return
immediately after their mission concluded. Diplomats were usually
relatives of the ruling family or of very high rank in order to give
them legitimacy when they sought to negotiate with the other state.
The origins of diplomacy are in the strategic and competitive exchange of impressive gifts, which may be traced to the Bronze Age and recognized as an aspect of Homeric guest-friendship.[4] Thus diplomacy and trade
have been inexorably linked from the outset. "In the framework of
diplomatic relations it was customary for Byzantine emperors and Muslim
rulers, especially the 'Abbāsids and the Fātimids, as well as for Muslim
rulers between themselves, to exchange precious gifts, with which they
attempted to impress or surpass their counterparts," remarks David
Jacoby, in the context of the economics of silk in cultural exchange
among Byzantium, Islam and the Latin West:[5]
merchants accompanied emissaries, who often traveled on commercial
ships. At a later date, it will be recalled that the English adventurer
and trader Anthony Sherley convinced the Persian ruler to send the first Persian embassy to Europe (1599–1602).
Ancient Greece
The Greek City States on some occasions sent envoys to each other in
order to negotiate specific issues, such as war and peace or commercial
relations, but did not have diplomatic representatives regularly posted
in each other's territory. However, some of the functions given to
modern diplomatic representatives were in Classical Greece filled by a proxenos,
who was a citizen of the host city having a particular relations of
friendship with another city – a relationship often hereditary in a
particular family.
The key challenge to the Byzantine Empire was to maintain a set of
relations between itself and its sundry neighbors, including the Georgians, Iberians, the Germanic peoples, the Bulgars, the Slavs, the Armenians, the Huns, the Avars, the Franks, the Lombards, and the Arabs,
that embodied and so maintained its imperial status. All these
neighbors lacked a key resource that Byzantium had taken over from Rome,
namely a formalized legal structure. When they set about forging formal
political institutions, they were dependent on the empire. Whereas
classical writers are fond of making a sharp distinction between peace
and war, for the Byzantines diplomacy was a form of war by other means.
With a regular army of 120,000-140,000 men after the losses of the
seventh century,[6] the empire's security depended on activist diplomacy.
Byzantium's "Bureau of Barbarians" was the first foreign intelligence agency, gathering information on the empire’s rivals from every imaginable source.[7]
While on the surface a protocol office—its main duty was to ensure
foreign envoys were properly cared for and received sufficient state
funds for their maintenance, and it kept all the official translators—it
clearly had a security function as well. On Strategy, from the
6th century, offers advice about foreign embassies: "[Envoys] who are
sent to us should be received honourably and generously, for everyone
holds envoys in high esteem. Their attendants, however, should be kept
under surveillance to keep them from obtaining any information by asking
questions of our people."[8]
Modern Europe
In Europe, early modern diplomacy's origins[9] are often traced to the states of Northern Italy in the early Renaissance, with the first embassies being established in the 13th century. Milan played a leading role, especially under Francesco Sforza who established permanent embassies to the other city states of Northern Italy. Tuscany and Venice were also flourishing centres of diplomacy from the 14th century onwards. It was in the Italian Peninsula that many of the traditions of modern diplomacy began, such as the presentation of an ambassador's credentials to the head of state.
From Italy the practice was spread to other European regions. Milan was the first to send a representative to the court of France
in 1455. However, Milan refused to host French representatives fearing
espionage and that the French representatives would intervene in its
internal affairs. As foreign powers such as France and Spain
became increasingly involved in Italian politics the need to accept
emissaries was recognized. Soon the major European powers were
exchanging representatives. Spain was the first to send a permanent
representative; it appointed an ambassador to the Court of England in 1487. By the late 16th century, permanent missions became customary. The Holy Roman Emperor, however, did not regularly send permanent legates, as they could not represent the interests of all the German princes (who were in theory all subordinate to the Emperor, but in practice each independent).
Diplomacy was a complex affair, even more so than now. The
ambassadors from each state were ranked by complex levels of precedence
that were much disputed. States were normally ranked by the title of the
sovereign; for Catholic nations the emissary from the Vatican was paramount, then those from the kingdoms, then those from duchies and principalities. Representatives from republics
were ranked the lowest (which often angered the leaders of the numerous
German, Scandinavian and Italian republics). Determining precedence
between two kingdoms depended on a number of factors that often
fluctuated, leading to near-constant squabbling.
Ambassadors, nobles with little foreign experience and no expectation
of a career in diplomacy, needed to be supported by large embassy
staff. These professionals would be sent on longer assignments and would
be far more knowledgeable than the higher-ranking officials about the
host country. Embassy staff would include a wide range of employees,
including some dedicated to espionage.
The need for skilled individuals to staff embassies was met by the
graduates of universities, and this led to a great increase in the study
of international law, modern languages, and history at universities throughout Europe.
At the same time, permanent foreign ministries began to be
established in almost all European states to coordinate embassies and
their staffs. These ministries were still far from their modern form,
and many of them had extraneous internal responsibilities. Britain had
two departments with frequently overlapping powers until 1782. They were
also far smaller than they are currently. France, which boasted the
largest foreign affairs department, had only some 70 full-time employees
in the 1780s.
The elements of modern diplomacy slowly[citation needed] spread to Eastern Europe and Russia, arriving by the early 18th century.[citation needed] The entire edifice would be greatly disrupted by the French Revolution
and the subsequent years of warfare. The revolution would see commoners
take over the diplomacy of the French state, and of those conquered by
revolutionary armies. Ranks of precedence were abolished. Napoleon also refused to acknowledge diplomatic immunity, imprisoning several British diplomats accused of scheming against France.
After the fall of Napoleon, the Congress of Vienna of 1815 established an international system of diplomatic rank. Disputes on precedence among nations (and therefore the appropriate diplomatic ranks used) were first addressed at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, but persisted for over a century until after World War II, when the rank of ambassador became the norm. In between that time, figures such as the German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck were renowned for international diplomacy.
Ottoman Empire
Relations with the government of the Ottoman Empire (known to Italian states as the Sublime Porte) were particularly important to Italian states.[11] The maritime republics of Genoa and Venice
depended less and less upon their nautical capabilities, and more and
more upon the perpetuation of good relations with the Ottomans.[11]
Interactions between various merchants, diplomats, and religious men
between the Italian and Ottoman empires helped inaugurate and create new
forms of diplomacy and statecraft.
Eventually the primary purpose of a diplomat, which was originally a
negotiator, evolved into a persona that represented an autonomous state
in all aspects of political affairs. It became evident that all other sovereigns
felt the need to accommodate themselves diplomatically, due to the
emergence of the powerful political environment of the Ottoman Empire.[11]
One could come to the conclusion that the atmosphere of diplomacy
within the early modern period revolved around a foundation of
conformity to Ottoman culture.
Diplomatic Immunity
The sanctity of diplomats has long been observed. This sanctity has come to be known as diplomatic immunity.
While there have been a number of cases where diplomats have been
killed, this is normally viewed as a great breach of honour. Genghis Khan and the Mongols
were well known for strongly insisting on the rights of diplomats, and
they would often wreak horrific vengeance against any state that
violated these rights.
Diplomatic rights were established in the mid-17th century in Europe and have spread throughout the world. These rights were formalized by the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, which protects diplomats from being persecuted or prosecuted while on a diplomatic mission. If a diplomat does commit a serious crime while in a host country he may be declared as persona non grata (unwanted person). Such diplomats are then often tried for the crime in their homeland.
Diplomatic communications are also viewed as sacrosanct, and diplomats have long been allowed to carry documents across borders without being searched. The mechanism for this is the so-called "diplomatic bag" (or, in some countries, the "diplomatic pouch"). While radio and digital communication have become more standard for embassies, diplomatic pouches are still quite common and some countries, including the United States, declare entire shipping containers as diplomatic pouches to bring sensitive material (often building supplies) into a country.
In times of hostility, diplomats are often withdrawn for reasons of personal safety, as well as in some cases when the host country is friendly but there is a perceived threat from internal dissidents. Ambassadors and other diplomats are sometimes recalled temporarily by their home countries as a way to express displeasure with the host country. In both cases, lower-level employees still remain to actually do the business of diplomacy.
Espionage
Diplomacy is closely linked to espionage or gathering of intelligence. Embassies are bases for both diplomats and spies, and some diplomats are essentially openly acknowledged spies. For instance, the job of military attachés includes learning as much as possible about the military of the nation to which they are assigned. They do not try to hide this role and, as such, are only invited to events allowed by their hosts, such as military parades or air shows. There are also deep-cover spies operating in many embassies. These individuals are given fake positions at the embassy, but their main task is to illegally gather intelligence, usually by coordinating spy rings of locals or other spies. For the most part, spies operating out of embassies gather little intelligence themselves and their identities tend to be known by the opposition. If discovered, these diplomats can be expelled from an embassy, but for the most part counter-intelligence agencies prefer to keep these agents in situ and under close monitoring.
The information gathered by spies plays an increasingly important role in diplomacy. Arms-control treaties would be impossible without the power of reconnaissance satellites and agents to monitor compliance. Information gleaned from espionage is useful in almost all forms of diplomacy, everything from trade agreements to border disputes.
(source: wikipedia.org)
Diplomatic rights were established in the mid-17th century in Europe and have spread throughout the world. These rights were formalized by the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, which protects diplomats from being persecuted or prosecuted while on a diplomatic mission. If a diplomat does commit a serious crime while in a host country he may be declared as persona non grata (unwanted person). Such diplomats are then often tried for the crime in their homeland.
Diplomatic communications are also viewed as sacrosanct, and diplomats have long been allowed to carry documents across borders without being searched. The mechanism for this is the so-called "diplomatic bag" (or, in some countries, the "diplomatic pouch"). While radio and digital communication have become more standard for embassies, diplomatic pouches are still quite common and some countries, including the United States, declare entire shipping containers as diplomatic pouches to bring sensitive material (often building supplies) into a country.
In times of hostility, diplomats are often withdrawn for reasons of personal safety, as well as in some cases when the host country is friendly but there is a perceived threat from internal dissidents. Ambassadors and other diplomats are sometimes recalled temporarily by their home countries as a way to express displeasure with the host country. In both cases, lower-level employees still remain to actually do the business of diplomacy.
Espionage
Diplomacy is closely linked to espionage or gathering of intelligence. Embassies are bases for both diplomats and spies, and some diplomats are essentially openly acknowledged spies. For instance, the job of military attachés includes learning as much as possible about the military of the nation to which they are assigned. They do not try to hide this role and, as such, are only invited to events allowed by their hosts, such as military parades or air shows. There are also deep-cover spies operating in many embassies. These individuals are given fake positions at the embassy, but their main task is to illegally gather intelligence, usually by coordinating spy rings of locals or other spies. For the most part, spies operating out of embassies gather little intelligence themselves and their identities tend to be known by the opposition. If discovered, these diplomats can be expelled from an embassy, but for the most part counter-intelligence agencies prefer to keep these agents in situ and under close monitoring.
The information gathered by spies plays an increasingly important role in diplomacy. Arms-control treaties would be impossible without the power of reconnaissance satellites and agents to monitor compliance. Information gleaned from espionage is useful in almost all forms of diplomacy, everything from trade agreements to border disputes.
(source: wikipedia.org)
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